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Datum objave: 21.10.2014
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Head of EP Delegation for Ukraine

As a Croat, I have a lot of sympathy for Ukrainians

Head of EP Delegation for Ukraine: As a Croat, I have a lot of sympathy for Ukrainians

http://www.ukrinform.ua/eng/news/head_of_ep_delegation_for_ukraine_as_a_croat_i_have_a_lot_of_sympathy_for_ukrainians_326498

Newly elected Chair of the European Parliament (EP) Delegation to the EU-Ukraine Parliamentary Cooperation Committee, Croatian politician Andrej Plenkovic, was directly responsible for his country's joining the EU. In an exclusive interview with Ukrinform's correspondent in Brussels he said how the EU is shaping its policy in order to deal with Russia's aggression against Ukraine and shared his EU integration and international legal experience.

Q: Mr. Plenkovic, the Ukrainian authorities called on democratic institutions and international organizations Oleh Tiahnybok recognize the so-called Donetsk People's Republic (DPR) and Luhansk People's Republic (LPR) as terrorist organizations. European politicians are now holding discussions on this issue. What is your personal view in this regard?

A: I know that my colleague and friend, Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs Pavlo Klimkin, after shooting down of the Malaysian aircraft MH17, formally asked the EU Foreign Affairs Council that the rebels in Ukraine's eastern regions should be declared as terrorist organizations. He also mentioned the same issue in front of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the European Parliament in July.

As you are aware, the main objective of the EU's policy is to find peace and reach a political solution to the crisis while fully respecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. Therefore the EU documents which have been adopted in the last couple of months use the language - "pro-Russian separatists" and "illegally armed groups."

This issue should also be considered in the light of the recent laws proposed by President Poroshenko and adopted by the Verkhovna Rada on amnesty for the rebels, except for those involved in serious crimes, as well as the law on the decentralization of certain parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. In this context, I believe at this stage it is important for the EU, especially after the Minsk protocol and memorandum, to be part of the wider efforts of the international community targeted towards stabilizing the situation, keeping the ceasefire and enabling the political solution that would quickly reintegrate all the Ukrainian territory into its legal and constitutional borders.

Q: How do you assess the current political and security situation in Ukraine and the implementation of President Poroshenko's peace plan?

A: As a newly elected Chair of the Delegation for Ukraine in the European Parliament, I fully respect the territorial integrity of Ukraine, including its eastern regions, Donetsk and Luhansk, as well as Crimea, which was illegitimately and illegally annexed by Russia. The European Union and the European Parliament will never accept fait accompli regarding Crimea.

As a Croat, I have a lot of sympathy for the Ukrainian people. In 1991, Croatia was faced with a similar model of aggression. At that time, Belgrade manipulated the Serbian minority in Croatia and supported them organizationally and militarily in occupying parts of the Croatian territory. It took us almost seven years to peacefully reintegrate Eastern Slavonia into the Croatian legal order.

The implementation of President Poroshenko's peace plan is crucial for respecting the ceasefire, for the withdrawal of Russian troops and all mercenaries and other illegal armed persons. In my view, it is critical to restore the control of the Ukrainian-Russian border not only by the OSCE, but also by the legitimate Ukrainian authorities.

The other important aspect is the trilateral agreement reached in Brussels on September 12 by the EU, Ukraine and Russia to postpone for 14 months the provisional application of the DCFTA as part of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement.

Many observers are discontent with this decision, because they believe it is a concession to the pressure from Moscow. When we look at it in the context of the peace plan, as well as the current economic and financial situation in Ukraine, these 14 months can be seen as a contribution for further consolidation of the Ukrainian economic operators to sustain the competitive pressures from the EU side. Notably the EU will continue to extend asymmetrically the autonomous trade preferences to Ukraine as is the case at the moment.

It is important to note that the ratified text of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement cannot be changed. It seems to me that the combination of three main elements - 1) peace plan, 2) postponement of the DCFTA and 3) continuation of European reforms supported by 11 billion euros in the EU's financial aid - can create a more stable atmosphere for the parliamentary elections in Ukraine to be held on October 26.

Q: What is your opinion regarding restrictive measures imposed by the EU against Russia? What further steps should be made by the EU and international community to stop Putin's aggression?

A: The scaling down of restrictive measures and sanctions is entirely linked to the evolution of the peace process in Ukraine. At this stage it is premature to debate any scaling down of sanctions. Russia needs to stick to its commitments from the Minsk agreement. For any possible change the EU requires clear deeds from the Russian side in order to eventually consider any such possibility.

Q: As the Chair of the Delegation to the EU-Ukraine Parliamentary Cooperation Committee how do you see further development of such bilateral engagement, particularly taking into account next parliamentary elections in Ukraine on October 26?

A: I want to stress that the Delegation for Ukraine was the first bilateral delegation of the 8th legislature of the European Parliament, which was constituted at the beginning of September. We want to send a strong political signal of our interest, solidarity and support to Ukraine. All the colleagues in the Delegation are motivated to work together with our future counterparts. We are looking forward for the new post-Maidan Verkhovna Rada.

Through open and concrete parliamentary dialogue we want to accompany the process of adopting the European standards in Ukraine. Our objective is to use the Parliamentary Association Committee to discuss all aspects of political, economic and sectoral reforms. As is known, this body will be created on November 1, the beginning of the provisional application of certain parts of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement after its ratification by the European Parliament and the Parliament on September 16.

We will oversee the entire reform agenda and the harmonization of the Ukrainian legislation with the acquis communautaire. In this context, the role of the European Commission's support group for Ukraine is important in building institutions and managing the state administration in the way compatible to the EU.

Therefore, we are ready to hold the first meeting of the Parliamentary Association Committee in Brussels or in Kyiv as soon as the new Rada and the Ukrainian side of the PAC delegation are constituted.

Q: As you mentioned, the European Parliament and the Verkhovna Rada synchronously ratified the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement on September 16. And now we are waiting for further ratification of the agreement by the national parliaments of all 28 member states. When could Croatia complete such a legislative procedure?

A: I appealed publicly to the Croatian government to quickly put into the legislative procedure the law on the ratification of the Association Agreement with Ukraine. Croatia should show solidarity towards Kyiv, as Ukraine is now standing in defense of the European values.

One more reason is that Ukraine was the third country, which recognized Croatia internationally as an independent state in December 1991.

My political party, Croatian Democratic Union (EPP political family), strongly supports this ratification.

Q: Is Russia's lobbying in the EU and in the European Parliament strong enough to exert influence on European policies?

A: After the European elections in May, we have witnessed the creation of the grand coalition composed by the mainstream EPP (the European People's Party), S&D (the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats) and ALDE (the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe). This is a stable majority, which decides on the legislative process and the majority of EP resolutions. As in every democracy, there are parties on the margins of the political spectrum (left and right) who have their own positions, but they are neither in power on the EU level nor in governments in the member states.

Russia is an important global actor with strong and experienced diplomacy. It certainly has its leverage. But in the case of Ukraine, European foreign policy is united and credible. What is also at stake are our policies on neighborhood, enlargement, energy and also our relations with Russia. As President Barroso said, Russia seems to now accept its position of a strategic rival rather than a partner.

Q: Do you believe in the European perspective of Ukraine and its full membership of the EU?

A: I know that Ukraine is a European state and according to the Article 49 of the Lisbon Treaty, it may apply to become a member of the Union. I understood that recently President Poroshenko signaled such a possibility in the near future. Certainly it will be a demanding process. Already in some of the European Parliament's resolutions it was mentioned that the European prospective of Ukraine also includes eventual membership. Now we should focus on the implementation of the Association Agreement.

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